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Trump's Crypto Windfall Went Straight Into Stocks and Bonds, Filings Show

Financial disclosures filed with the U.S. Office of Government Ethics reveal that Donald Trump collected more than $1.4 billion from his crypto ventures in 2025, then redirected proceeds into traditional stocks and bonds. Meanwhile, retail investors in the same projects had lost a combined $2.3 billion as of April 2026.

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The disclosures, filed June 29, 2026, show Trump's stock and bond holdings grew at least fourfold over the course of 2025: from a range of $225 million to $608 million at the end of 2024, to a range of $703 million to $2.6 billion by year-end 2025. The crypto projects driving that transfer of wealth are World Liberty Financial (WLFI), a decentralized finance platform he co-founded with his sons Donald Jr. and Eric (Zachary Witkoff serves as WLFI's CEO), and the $TRUMP meme coin, which launched on the Solana blockchain three days before his second inauguration.

Timothy Massad, a former chairman of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission under President Obama and now director of the Digital Assets Policy Project at Harvard Kennedy School, offered a blunt assessment.

"Although the President talks about digital assets as the frontier of finance and making the United States the crypto capital of the world, the disclosure form suggests his personal strategy is to make a quick buck from crypto through the sale of his meme coin and World Liberty tokens but then invest his profits in traditional assets like stocks and bonds," Massad said.


The numbers are stark on both sides of the trade.

Trump reported $636 million in royalty income from the $TRUMP meme coin alone. WLFI generated approximately $799 million for Trump-linked entities: roughly $250 million from selling project interests and around $520 million from token sales. Of every dollar raised in net WLFI token proceeds, 75 cents flows to DT Marks DEFI LLC, a Trump family entity that also holds 22.5 billion WLFI governance tokens. At year-end 2025, Trump himself held 15.75 billion WLFI tokens valued at more than $50 million, received as compensation for his co-founder role. His holding companies also reported at least $160 million in Bitcoin and Ether, including up to $6 million in other tokens. The disclosures also show that Trump did not report purchasing shares in two publicly listed crypto companies backed by Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr., a notable absence within the same filing.

On-chain data tells a different story for retail participants. WLFI raised over $550 million across two public fundraising rounds, drawing in retail buyers at scale before its tokens declined sharply. As of late June 2026, approximately 988,905 wallets, or 66 percent of the 1.48 million wallets that ever purchased $TRUMP, were holding losses. Their combined deficit stood at $3.81 billion, according to blockchain analytics firm Nansen. The token peaked at $75.35 in January 2026 and traded near $1.56 to $1.68 in mid-July, a decline of roughly 97 percent. WLFI tokens have followed a similar trajectory, falling around 87 to 88 percent from their all-time high near $0.46 to approximately $0.056 to $0.059. A Reuters investigation published June 9, 2026, estimated that the losses absorbed by retail investors across four Trump-backed crypto projects totaled roughly $2.3 billion as of April 2026, a figure that matches almost to the dollar what the Trump family extracted from the same projects.

WLFI's governance structure has compounded retail losses. A governance vote imposed a two-year minimum lockup on 80 percent of each retail token holder's holdings. Governance data reviewed by analytics platform Tokenomist.ai showed that just four wallet addresses controlled approximately 40 percent of the voting power on that proposal, which covered 62 billion tokens. Separately, WLFI sold 5.9 billion additional tokens to private accredited investors without public disclosure, a move uncovered through governance filings reviewed by Tokenomist.ai and subsequently confirmed by the company.

TRON founder Justin Sun, who alleges he invested $45 million into WLFI and was barred from selling, has filed suit and claims smart contracts contain hidden blacklist functions that allow asset seizure.


For Pakistan, the stakes are institutional, not just retail.

In January 2026, the country's Virtual Asset Regulatory Authority (PVARA) signed a memorandum of understanding with SC Financial Technologies, a company whose CEO, Zachary Witkoff, simultaneously leads World Liberty Financial, to explore integrating WLFI's USD1 stablecoin into Pakistan's cross-border payment infrastructure. Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb framed the deal as part of Pakistan's ambition to "stay ahead of the curve by engaging with credible global players while ensuring innovation is aligned with regulation, stability, and national interest."

But with WLFI's governance token down nearly 90 percent and its revenue structure allocating 75 percent of net token proceeds to the Trump family entity DT Marks DEFI LLC, Pakistani regulators now face a reputational question about what exactly they signed onto.

Pakistani retail investors who bought WLFI tokens during public fundraising rounds are also subject to the same lockup restrictions, with no formal recourse under current PVARA rules. Pakistan is simultaneously dependent on IMF goodwill and U.S. geopolitical alignment, making its entanglement with a project tied to the sitting U.S. president an asymmetric one. Pakistan's engagement with WLFI also reflects broader national ambitions: the Pakistan Crypto Council, backed by Binance co-founder Changpeng Zhao, has been pursuing crypto capital of South Asia status, giving regulators strong institutional motivation to court prominent global crypto projects.

African markets carry no direct institutional exposure, but the structural pattern matters there for a different reason. Sub-Saharan Africa processed more than $205 billion in on-chain transaction value in the year ending June 2025, a 52 percent increase year over year, according to blockchain analytics firm Chainalysis, and approximately 85 percent of those transactions came from retail-scale buyers. Nigeria alone received $92.1 billion in crypto value during the same period and reported a fraud rate of 8.3 percent, the highest in the region. Meme coins remain legally unclassified in Nigeria, Kenya, and most of the region, meaning buyers who lose money have no formal regulatory mechanism to seek redress. Kenya's 2025 Virtual Asset Service Providers Act and Nigeria's evolving framework both stop short of governing meme token issuance. The Trump case provides regulators with a high-visibility data point that may accelerate that work.


The White House has denied any conflict of interest. A spokesperson stated that Trump "is not involved in business decisions" and that "neither the President nor his family has ever engaged, or will ever engage, in conflicts of interest."

The disclosures do not establish illegal conduct. What they do show is a systematic pattern: speculative retail products promoted with presidential visibility, proceeds converted into conventional wealth, and an emerging regulatory framework. The Guiding and Establishing National Innovation for U.S. Stablecoins Act (GENIUS Act), signed by Trump in mid-2025, formally advantages the stablecoin issued by his own project. The law establishes a federal framework for dollar-backed stablecoins, providing USD1 with formal legal backing that has helped position it among the largest stablecoins globally. Prior to the Act's passage, Senate Democrats flagged potential conflicts of interest, and Representative Maxine Waters raised concerns about foreign firms and national security implications. Whether U.S. regulators or Congress treat that pattern as a governance problem will shape the next phase of this story.

For markets in South Asia and Africa, that regulatory clarity remains distant while retail exposure continues to grow.